PROGRAM OF THE NATIONAL ALLIANCE

White men and women find themselves a dwindling minority in the world; while Black and Brown populations are growing at an increasing rate, White populations nearly everywhere are at best static. Furthermore, there is an increasing immigration of non-Whites into formerly White areas, accompanied by miscegenation on a massive scale.

If we had only this demographic problem to deal with, our task would be easy. White governments have the means necessary for halting non-White immigration and deporting non-White populations. Such measures, together with a withdrawal of economic and technical aid to the undeveloped areas of the non-White world, would permit natural forces to reverse non-White population growth quickly. Non-Whites have no ability to counter such measures, militarily or otherwise.

Even America's most degenerate urban populations, which have become so degraded morally and ideologically -- so acclimated to egalitarianism and "multiculturalism" -- that all we can hope to salvage from even the racially White elements among them is a selected minority, while the majority perishes in the chaos preceding the final cleansing, can offer no effective resistance to determined governmental action.

Unfortunately, since the end of the Second World War no White government has been under the control of White men with our values and our ideology. White governments everywhere are terminally corrupt, led by collaborators with the Jews. No solution to our demographic problem can be implemented -- and, therefore, no future for our race can be secured -- until we regain control of our governments. Our program, therefore, must have as one of its goals the attainment of governmental power. Nothing short of this can be meaningful in the long run.

By governmental power we mean, of course, the power to make and execute all government policy. This implies a massive replacement of the existing power structures: legislatures, courts, military and police command cadres, and the mass media.

No mere election of a head of state can give us this power; no president or prime minister, even if he is installed by a military coup and has the backing of the top military leaders, can stand alone against the other elements of the power structure in a modern, White state -- especially not against the power of the mass media. In order for any power we acquire to be meaningful it must be total: that is, it must include all the major elements of the power structure.

No non-violent uprising by a militant White element of the population can succeed by itself, nor can a violent uprising, in which marches and demonstrations are accompanied by terrorism and street fighting, achieve success -- so long as the major elements of the power structure remain in the hands of our enemies. No modern, White state can be overthrown by a mob howling outside the citadel; the revolutionaries must already have established a sufficiently strong position inside the citadel before their cohorts outside begin howling. One may think of the so-called "civil rights" revolution in the United States in the decades after the Second World War, in which Blacks burned cities and marched in huge, often violent demonstrations and eventually got their way. The burning and the marching would have availed them nothing, however, had their sympathizers not already been solidly entrenched in the mass media, the Christian churches, the governmental bureaucracy, and the legislatures and courts of the land. In our case the situation is reversed, with those bastions of the power structure in the hands of those who hate us most intensely.

The power we seek cannot be attained by any trickery or subterfuge, by any scheme of gradual infiltration and subversion, by any sudden coup, or by any other superficial or insubstantial means. It can only be attained by first building a solid revolutionary infrastructure capable of sustaining revolutionary action on many fronts over a period of years and then erecting on that infrastructure a power structure of our own, in which each essential element of the power structure opposed to us has its analogue.

Our power structure does not seek to imitate the one we want to replace, or even to compete with it in the normal sense. For example, it would be foolish to imagine that we could build a revolutionary police or military structure which could compete effectively with that of the government. But we can build structures with certain military and police functions which have as their immediate task the coordination of recruiting inside the government's military and police agencies. Their later tasks can be to serve as fully ramified cadres for incorporating and organizing the best human material from the disintegrating governmental military and police structures.

Even our mass media do not attempt to compete with those of the enemy by winning larger audiences. Ours merely aim at reaching the entire White population with our message and making it continually accessible to those who are responsive. We understand that by far the larger part of the White population is and will continue to be more interested in spectator sports or Star Trek than in our message, and we will not try to wean them away from their amusements. Only in the very last stages of revolutionary development will we be competing with the Jews for the attention of this mass element, but by then the competition will be on our terms. Our mass media, however, eventually will provide the indispensable tool for communicating with all the elements of the White population during a critical transitional period between the collapse of one way of life and the establishment of another. A successful attainment of governmental power will not be possible without this tool.

The skeptic, or the person who cannot imagine a state of affairs very different from the one he is accustomed to, will look at the enormous disparity in every element of the power structure between us and our enemies, and he will think that our goal of gaining governmental power is not attainable -- and that if it were possible, it would be only through building a power structure larger and stronger than that of our enemies: building a revolutionary army with more soldiers than the U. S. Army; building television networks with more viewers than ABC, CBS, and NBC; building political organizations able to get more voters to the polls than the Democrats or the Republicans. But this is not necessary.

It is not necessary for two reasons: First, the power structure of our opponents is undergoing rapid, degenerative change. It might seem too much to say that the governmental power structure in the United States is self-destructing before our eyes, but its pathology becomes more apparent month by month in many ways: in the increasingly tawdry, "show business" style of political campaigns; in the ever more frequent revelations of the legislators' corruption, personal depravity, and disregard for the laws they make; in the government's increasingly evident fear of its own citizens; above all, in the loss of governmental will to deal with problems requiring strong, decisive, and perhaps unpopular action. It is losing its moral authority and its credibility with the people it governs; fewer and fewer of them regard their government as more than an expensive nuisance, as witnessed by the growing number who simply have stopped voting.

The police and military structures still wield a considerable amount of physical power, based to a large degree on modern technology: computerized police files of dissidents, sophisticated surveillance and eavesdropping equipment, laser-guided missiles, "smart" bombs, and the like. The quality of the human factor in their power is declining rapidly, however. It is not just the ravages of "Affirmative Action" programs on the average competence of government workers or the loss of esprit de corps in the remaining White personnel: more important is the fact that the government's police and military forces have to a very large degree lost their sense of moral justification. They still may be convinced that they are strong enough to impose their will on their opponents, but they no longer have the unshakable conviction that they represent the side of right and justice; idealism has given way to careerism and cynicism. In the long run this will be a mortal weakness.

Even the news and entertainment media, despite their overwhelming influence on every other element of the power structure and on most of the population, are becoming increasingly vulnerable. A growing element of the public regards the media with suspicion, recognizing their anti-White bias and their destructive effect on morals and culture.

The second reason why we don't have to build a power structure as large as the one opposed to us is that all the elements in the population we want to reach with our message are becoming increasingly responsive to that message. At the same time the opposed power structure is losing its own partisans. The government and the Jewish media will continue to have their hard core of support -- Jews, feminists, some homosexuals, some Christians, the radical-liberal New World Order enthusiasts, most of the state and Federal bureaucrats, and others on government or media payrolls -- but outside these special constituencies our enemies have very few real friends left, even among their beneficiaries. Blacks and mestizos as a whole, for example, can hardly be considered a staunch bulwark of the government, despite the favoritism it has shown them. The American population has become much like the Roman mob of old, ready to cheer for any government which can provide it with bread and circuses, but equally ready to turn against the government the moment the supply of those commodities is interrupted -- and never ready to defend the government if any personal sacrifice is required.

To summarize the preceding paragraphs: The situation in America is no longer quasi-static, as it was during most of the l970's and l980's. During that earlier period the Jewish media were able to keep nearly all of the public hypnotized, to provide a false reality for them in the place of the real world around them. Someone would complain that America was becoming darker, poorer, and dirtier. The media would drown him out with a chorus about the value of "diversity," about the evils of "racism," about the wonders of the coming New World Order, and the complaint would be ignored and forgotten by nearly everyone.

Now the process of decay and disintegration has accelerated; now the hypnosis is beginning to wear off as reality becomes too harsh to ignore. The process will continue to accelerate in the future. More and more people will notice that, indeed, the emperor is stark, staring naked, even as the Jewish media continue to extol the beauty and grandeur of his new raiment and denounce those benighted souls who refuse to acknowledge it.

The process is inherently unstable, and nothing that the enemies of our people can do will reverse it. Their power structure will continue to become more pathological, if not physically weaker, in all its elements, and more and more members of the White public will receive our message sympathetically. No one can predict in detail the outcome of this unstable process after it reaches the point where we are able to exert a significant influence on its further development. It is clear, however, that our responsibility now is to continue building a revolutionary infrastructure able to support an opposing power structure which can respond advantageously to all developments.

A revolutionary infrastructure is the structured collection of people and other resources organized for the purpose of carrying on, over an extended period, the full range of activities necessary to the purpose outlined above. Among the necessary activities are the generation and dissemination of propaganda, recruiting, fund raising, self-defense and internal discipline, intelligence gathering and evaluation, planning and guidance. It is the continued enhancement, development, and expansion of such activities that alone can lead to the attainment of the ultimate revolutionary goal.